Via NRA-ILA
Freedom Advocates, Pro-Gun Senators Unite to
Oppose the Obama Administration’s Attempt to Censor Information about
Firearms Technology
As we reported in June,
the Obama Administration’s State Department (DOS) proposed a revision
of the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) on June 3 that
would require anyone seeking to make certain types of information about
firearms publicly available to first obtain government approval. Prior
restraints of the sort contemplated by the proposal are among the most
disfavored regulations of speech under First Amendment case law. Our
original alert encouraged gunsmiths, manufacturers, reloaders, serious
hobbyists, and others who rely on design, development, production or
manufacturing information about firearms to file comments with the State
Department opposing the rule and explaining its problems.
The response was overwhelming. By the time the comment
period ended on Monday, nearly 10,000 comments had been posted to the
Regulations.gov website, the vast majority of them adamantly opposed to
the law. A DOS official put the actual number of comments (which can
also be submitted by other means) at some 12,000. Those opposing the
rule include police officers, engineers, research universities,
scholastic rifle teams, defense contractors, gunsmiths, firearm
instructors, professors, IT professionals, and thousands of gun owners
who enjoy fabricating or working on firearms for their lawful personal
use. Their input illustrates not only the proposal’s restraints on free
speech but the numerous practical problems it would pose for a variety
of professionals, students, researchers, and other law-abiding
Americans.
NRA’s own comments
were submitted on Monday. The comments begin by emphasizing that the
larger Export Control Reform effort of which the June 3 proposal is a
part has always intended to move firearms off ITAR’s list of controlled
items (the U.S. Munitions List) to a list subject to more flexible
controls administered by the Commerce Department. The
whole point of having dual systems of control is to recognize that
especially sensitive or sophisticated military technology (like that
used in nuclear subs or ballistic missiles) requires a different level
of regulation than items like firearms that have both military and
civilian applications. Yet the Obama Administration, solely for
political reasons, continues to treat the same sorts of firearms that
some 100 million Americans (and countless foreigners) already have in
their homes as if they are as militarily sensitive and consequential as
aircraft carriers or strategic bombers.
Our comments also note that a proposed definition of
“defense service” is so far-reaching that it could hinder efforts by NRA
and NRA certified instructors to provide firearm education and safety
training within the U.S. Under the proposal, a foreign person lawfully
present in the U.S. could not participate even in “basic” operational
training with a firearm unless the person had been approved to receive
that firearm as an export in another country. This means, for example,
that a foreign exchange student living with an American host family
could not lawfully obtain the necessary training to safely use and
handle a borrowed bolt action rifle to accompany the family on a deer
hunt. Obviously, this is too restrictive and does nothing to further
America’s national security.
The bulk of NRA’s comments, however, are devoted to
explaining how the proposal would impose an unconstitutional prior
restraint on firearm-related speech protected by the First Amendment. We
also expose DOS’s falsehood that the proposed requirement for
“preauthorization” to discuss technical aspects of firearms and
ammunition is merely a “more explicit statement” of current practice and
policy. The comments quote extensively from case law and Department of
Justice memorandums dating back to the 1970s which warn DOS that it
cannot constitutionally impose a broad requirement that Americans first
obtain government approval before speaking publicly about unclassified
military technology. We also
show how DOS, under prior administrations, removed a similar
preauthorization requirement in response to these concerns. “Not only is
the preauthorization requirement a radical departure from DOS practice
as it existed immediately prior to the proposal’s publication date,” our
comments state, “it is a return to policy DOS had abandoned in the
1980s as incompatible with the First Amendment.”
Finally, our comments expose how another supposed
clarification is actually a massive power grab by DOS, with the
proposal’s insistence that speech published online must be treated as an
“export,” because of its presumed availability to foreign persons. Not
only is DOS’ attempt to seize control of Internet content futile from a
practical standpoint, it was never authorized by the Congress that
original passed ITAR’s enabling legislation, the Arms Export Control Act
(AECA). The Internet had yet to be developed at the time of the AECA’s
passage, so it authors could hardly have appointed DOS the government’s
official Internet censor. More to the point, even if they had tried, the
First Amendment would have stopped them.
Surprisingly (or maybe not), the media has been
surprisingly silent on the government’s attempt to censor speech about
constitutionally-protected firearms owned by millions of Americans.
NRA’s comments quote statements from a press conference in which a DOS
official sets up a strawman by insisting the proposal would not ban
“general descriptions” or “imagery” of firearms. What the official fails
to mention, however, is that more detailed information about firearm
technology would be seriously curtailed. Worse, because the proposal is
so awkwardly and confusingly drafted, even unregulated speech would
likely be chilled because of the inability of individuals and media
outlets (like Internet service providers) to determine when the
regulatory line was crossed. Is the mass media so hypocritical that it’s
willing to sacrifice a whole category of legitimate,
constitutionally-protected speech, simply because it supports a gun
culture the media detests? So far, that seems to be the case.
Fortunately, pro-gun representatives in the Senate have been more conscientious in protecting the public trust on this issue. Sen. Steve Daines (R-MT) led an effort that resulted in a 28 senators signing on to a letter
to U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, opposing the June 3 proposal.
According to the letter, “certain definitions within the proposal are so
broad as to capture actions essential to the exercise of a citizen’s
Second Amendment rights.” It goes on to state that the new definitions
could capture “information such as how to legally modify or assemble a
generally available firearm, such as a hunting rifle or self-defense
handgun, or information on the development of new loading information
for existing firearm ammunition.” “These types of activities,” the
letter warns, “are part and parcel of how many Americans exercise their
Second Amendment rights.” The signatories accordingly “urge the State
Department to modify or delay these misguided changes to the ITAR in
order to ensure they do not violate the First and Second Amendments or
until commonly owned firearms and ammunition are not adversely
impacted.”
Once again, America’s gun owners, and their elected
officials, with the backing and support of your NRA, have risen to the
challenge of opposing an attempt from the Obama Administration to use
executive authority to limit Second Amendment rights. Whether the
proposal will be enacted as written, in a modified form, or will be
scrapped, remains to be seen. In the meantime, however, DOS has received
a clear message that America’s gun owners will not stand by to let
either their First or Second Amendment rights be trampled.
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